Monday, December 22, 2014

Prosecute Torturers and Their Bosses

Prosecute Torturers and Their Bosses
NYTimes Editorial Board DEC. 21, 2014


Since the day President Obama took office, he has failed to bring to justice anyone responsible for the torture of terrorism suspects — an official government program conceived and carried out in the years after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.

He did allow his Justice Department to investigate the C.I.A.'s destruction of videotapes of torture sessions and those who may have gone beyond the torture techniques authorized by President George W. Bush. But the investigation did not lead to any charges being filed, or even any accounting of why they were not filed.

Mr. Obama has said multiple times that “we need to look forward as opposed to looking backwards,” as though the two were incompatible. They are not. The nation cannot move forward in any meaningful way without coming to terms, legally and morally, with the abhorrent acts that were authorized, given a false patina of legality, and committed by American men and women from the highest levels of government on down.

Americans have known about many of these acts for years, but the 524-page executive summary of the Senate Intelligence Committee’s report erases any lingering doubt about their depravity and illegality: In addition to new revelations of sadistic tactics like “rectal feeding,” scores of detainees were waterboarded, hung by their wrists, confined in coffins, sleep-deprived, threatened with death or brutally beaten. In November 2002, one detainee who was chained to a concrete floor died of “suspected hypothermia.”

These are, simply, crimes. They are prohibited by federal law, which defines torture as the intentional infliction of “severe physical or mental pain or suffering.” They are also banned by the Convention Against Torture, the international treaty that the United States ratified in 1994 and that requires prosecution of any acts of torture.

So it is no wonder that today’s blinkered apologists are desperate to call these acts anything but torture, which they clearly were. As the report reveals, these claims fail for a simple reason: C.I.A. officials admitted at the time that what they intended to do was illegal.

In July 2002, C.I.A. lawyers told the Justice Department that the agency needed to use “more aggressive methods” of interrogation that would “otherwise be prohibited by the torture statute.” They asked the department to promise not to prosecute those who used these methods. When the department refused, they shopped around for the answer they wanted. They got it from the ideologically driven lawyers in the Office of Legal Counsel, who wrote memos fabricating a legal foundation for the methods. Government officials now rely on the memos as proof that they sought and received legal clearance for their actions. But the report changes the game: We now know that this reliance was not made in good faith.

No amount of legal pretzel logic can justify the behavior detailed in the report. Indeed, it is impossible to read it and conclude that no one can be held accountable. At the very least, Mr. Obama needs to authorize a full and independent criminal investigation.

The American Civil Liberties Union and Human Rights Watch are to give Attorney General Eric Holder Jr. a letter Monday calling for appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate what appears increasingly to be “a vast criminal conspiracy, under color of law, to commit torture and other serious crimes.”

The question everyone will want answered, of course, is: Who should be held accountable? That will depend on what an investigation finds, and as hard as it is to imagine Mr. Obama having the political courage to order a new investigation, it is harder to imagine a criminal probe of the actions of a former president.

But any credible investigation should include former Vice President Dick Cheney; Mr. Cheney’s chief of staff, David Addington; the former C.I.A. director George Tenet; and John Yoo and Jay Bybee, the Office of Legal Counsel lawyers who drafted what became known as the torture memos. There are many more names that could be considered, including Jose Rodriguez Jr., the C.I.A. official who ordered the destruction of the videotapes; the psychologists who devised the torture regimen; and the C.I.A. employees who carried out that regimen.

One would expect Republicans who have gone hoarse braying about Mr. Obama’s executive overreach to be the first to demand accountability, but with one notable exception, Senator John McCain, they have either fallen silent or actively defended the indefensible. They cannot even point to any results: Contrary to repeated claims by the C.I.A., the report concluded that “at no time” did any of these techniques yield intelligence that averted a terror attack. And at least 26 detainees were later determined to have been “wrongfully held.”


Starting a criminal investigation is not about payback; it is about ensuring that this never happens again and regaining the moral credibility to rebuke torture by other governments. Because of the Senate’s report, we now know the distance officials in the executive branch went to rationalize, and conceal, the crimes they wanted to commit. The question is whether the nation will stand by and allow the perpetrators of torture to have perpetual immunity for their actions.

Wednesday, October 16, 2013

Some good news on Gitmo from Andy Worthington

A bit of good news from Andy Worthington on Guantanamo prison -

http://www.closeguantanamo.org/Articles/105-Progress-on-Guantanamo

Monday, October 14, 2013

The NEW QUIT Website is here!!!

The NEW QUIT Website is here!!!

http://www.quit-torture-now.org/quit/home/

Monday, April 15, 2013

Scott Horton details the non-changes in American torture policy and practice from Bush to Obama

Here is a lecture by Scott Horton at the 4th QUIT conference Oct 2010 on all the ways that the US legal system continues to defend torture as policy and practice from Bush and on to Obama.  Horton is the Harper's  No Comment columnist and a lawyer for human rights.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W7GnISZyPBQ

Thursday, April 4, 2013

QUIT's NEW YOUTUBE CHANNEL!!!

Dear All,

QUIT is just forming its YouTube channel.
We hope to have several recordings from our
4 conferences up soon.

Right now we have the keynote from the wonderful
Jennifer Harbury, human rights lawyer and anti-
torture activist.  She's been leading the fight 
against American sponsored torture for 
decades.  Please view this at -


And share with friends, please
John

John Calvi
FOUNDING CONVENER
QUAKER INITIATIVE TO END TORTURE - QUIT!

Monday, December 17, 2012

America Must Finally Apologized for CIA Rendition Program


America Must Finally Apologize for CIA Rendition Program

European court of human rights finds against CIA abuse of Khaled el-Masri

The much-maligned European court of human rights has this week shown itself at its very best: standing up for the rights of an individual who has been denied justice for almost nine years since he was abducted, secretly detained, and tortured under the CIA's renditionprogram.
Khaled El-Masri, a German national, was seized by Macedonian security officers on 31 December 2003, at a border crossing, because he had been mistaken for an al-Qaida suspect. He was held incommunicado and abused in Macedonian custody for 23 days, after which he was handcuffed, blindfolded, and driven to Skopje airport, where he was handed over to the CIA and severely beaten.
The CIA stripped, hooded, shackled, and sodomized el-Masri with a suppository – in CIA parlance, subjected him to "capture shock" – as Macedonian officials stood by. The CIA drugged him and flew him to Kabul to be locked up in a secret prison known as the "Salt Pit", where he was slammed into walls, kicked, beaten, and subjected to other forms of abuse. Held at the Salt Pit for four months, el-Masri was never charged, brought before a judge, or given access to his family or German government representatives.
The CIA ultimately realised that it had mistaken el-Masri for an al-Qaida suspect with a similar name. But it held on to him for weeks after that. It was not until 24 May 2004, that he was flown, blindfolded, earmuffed, and chained to his seat, to Albania, where he was dumped on the side of the road without explanation.
In December 2005, German Chancellor Angela Merkel told a press conference – while then Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stood by her side – that the United States had admitted it had made a mistake. But the US government still refused to acknowledge its shameful conduct in el-Masri's case and waged a successful campaign to prevent other governments from disclosing the truth.
El-Masri's subsequent search for justice has repeatedly been thwarted. The United States succeeded in getting el-Masri's US lawsuit dismissed on "state secrets" grounds without even responding to his allegations; in 2007, the US supreme court declined to review that dismissal. The Macedonian government resorted to bald-faced lies, claiming that it played no role in his detention or abuse, despite overwhelming evidence confirming his account. The German government refused to disclose what it knew about el-Masri's case, and apparently caved to US pressure not to seek extradition of CIA officials involved in el-Masri's rendition.
Today, the European court of human rights delivered a measure of justice to el-Masri. It vindicated his account of his ill-treatment, and unanimously found that Macedonia had violated his rights under the European Convention, including by transferring him to US custody in the face of a risk of ill-treatment, and facilitating and failing to prevent his being subjected to CIA "capture shock" at Skopje airport.
This is the first court to comprehensively and specifically find that the CIA's rendition techniques amounted to torture. The decision stands in sharp contrast to the abject failure of US courts to deliver justice to victims of US torture and rendition.
Both the United States and Macedonia must now issue el-Masri a full-scale public apology and appropriate compensation. Macedonia should also commit to an internationalized investigation capable of holding its officials accountable. There are plenty of examples of such inquiries into national issues that are too politically charged to handle unaided: Northern Ireland's 1997 Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) included members from Canada, the United States, and Finland.
But Europe's work is not over yet. Macedonia was not the only European country complicit in CIA renditions. A 2006 inquiry by Swiss Senator Dick Marty implicated 14 European governments – including the United Kingdom – in the CIA's "spider's web" of rendition operations. But with the exception of Italy, whose highest court recently upheld the convictions of US and Italian officials for involvement in rendition, neither the UK nor other complicit countries – including Lithuania, Romania, and Poland, which hosted secret CIA prisons – have conducted effective investigations capable of holding officials accountable for their participation in rendition.
The human rights principles at stake extend to the use of the death penalty. European governments are prohibited from transferring criminal suspects to the United States if they risk execution; yet Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, a Saudi national, was secretly flown toGuantánamo Bay after being held in secret CIA prisons in Romania and Poland. He now faces a possible death sentence after a trial by military commission that does not meet international standards.
The European court's decision in the el-Masri case is a clarion call for accountability for the flagrantly illegal CIA rendition program.
The time has come for European governments to stand up to the United States and break the conspiracy of silence, regardless of the diplomatic consequences. As former Human Rights Commissioner for the Council of Europe, Thomas Hammerberg, rightly said on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the 11 September attacks:
"The purported cost to transatlantic relations of pursuing such accountability cannot be compared to the damage inflicted on our European system of human rights protection by allowing ourselves to be kept in the dark."

Thursday, October 11, 2012

Small Signs that Justice can prevail!


Small signs that justice can prevail

Wednesday, October 10, 2012 

“I wish to make it clear before I cross-examine the three claimants the (British government) does not dispute that each of the claimants suffered torture and other ill-­treatment at the hands of the colonial administration (in Kenya),” said the British government’s defence lawyer, Guy Mansfield.
Damn right they did. One, Paulo Nzili, was beaten so hard he went deaf, and was castrated in public with pliers used to geld cattle.
British colonial officers commanded the African troops who did that and worse to Nzili and thousands of others in concentration camps Britain set up to hold suspected supporters of the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya in the 1950s. Fifty years later, it has finally made it into the courts.
About 70,000 people spent years in the British camps in Kenya. Some were murdered, and almost all were beaten, sexually abused and/or tortured. But it was a long time ago, and only about 5,000 former inmates of the camps were still alive when three of them, Nzili, Jane Muthoni Mara and Wambuga wa Nyingi, decided to sue Britain for compensation.
With financial support from Kenyan human rights organizations, they launched their case in the high court in London. The British government, while admitting the torture, claimed the victims should sue the Kenyan government instead, since it had inherited responsibilities of the former colonial administration at independence in 1963.
Lawyers really do use arguments like that. They don’t even blush when they do it. But in June of last year the high court rejected the British government’s defence — whereupon its lawyers said it was all far too long ago. The few surviving witnesses are too old, and there are no documents. Sorry, we’d love to help, but in the circumstances . . .
Last Friday the same high court judge dismissed that argument, too. There are actually almost too many documents: the publicity surrounding the case led to the discovery the British Foreign Office has been hiding 8,800 files on Kenya abuses for the past 50 years.
Those files contain enough evidence to prove the truth of what the claimants say. The British government will appeal the judge’s ruling, probably in the hope of dragging things out until the claimants die (two are in their mid-80s) or become too ill to testify. But it’s likely the actual lawsuit will be heard next year, and will result in a victory for the claimants.
That would open the floodgates for thousands more claims for compensation from other Kenyan victims of British atrocities. It would also allow many thousands of aging victims of British violence elsewhere during the last years of the empire to seek compensation in British courts for their suffering.
So what are the chances a British or American court will one day offer compensation to innocent Arabs, Afghans and other Muslims swept up in the so-called “war on terror” and confined for years without charge or trial, often beaten or tortured?
Gradually, the courts are making inroads on this ancient and brutal reality. As in, for example, Kenya itself. After the terrible post-election violence of 2008, in which both leading parties were implicated, a Commission of Inquiry recommended the Kenyan government set up a tribunal to prosecute those responsible.
The National Assembly of Kenya refused. But the judge passed his evidence to the International Criminal Court, which opened a case against senior officials of both parties. The government did everything it could to stop the case, but it is going ahead in the Hague — and a majority of Kenyans support the process.
So there is progress, if only slowly.
Gwynne Dyer is an independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.